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Author Topic: BullSh!t File #3 - Hillary Clinton: The Email That Can Land You in Jail, Part II  (Read 24798 times)


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The Email that Can Land You in Jail, Part II
(Hillary Clinton's Email Scandal)

Recorded 9/17/2015

In Part 1, we looked at some of the declassified emails from Hillary Clinton's private mail server which revealed an off-the-books (or maybe not) spy network working for her while she was Secretary of State. In Part 2, we examine the role of this spy network in helping the U.S. intervene in the Libyan Uprising of 2011. We also examine an operation this spy network was running at the same time as the United States Government was covertly arming Libyan rebels to overthrow Muammar Gaddafi in 2011.

« Last Edit: September 22, 2015, 09:42:02 PM by BuddhaForce »
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BullSh!t File #2 - Hillary Clinton: The Email That Can Land You in Jail, Part I

Leaked Private Emails Reveal Ex-Clinton Aide's Secret Spy Network

Cody Shearer Contact "K" Info

Clinton Friend?s Memos on Libya Draw Scrutiny to Politics and Business

Journalist who Unveiled Hillary Spy Network Draws Iran Contra Parallel

American Dad Short on Reagan's Iran Contra scandal


Libyan Crisis (2011?present)

Exclusive: Obama authorizes secret help for Libya rebels

U.S.-Approved Arms for Libya Rebels Fell Into Jihadis? Hands

Libya displays intercepted arms cache

Video of huge weapons arsenal 'for Libya rebels' seized on Qatar boats

Clinton Email "private security experts" to arm rebels should be considered

Blumenthal Memo: March 06, 2011

Exclusive: Secret tapes undermine Hillary Clinton on Libyan war

Osprey Global Solutions / Libya NTC Memorandum of Understanding

El- Kikhia NTC Reference

Aref Ali Nayed on Wikipedia

Osprey Global Solutions Letter to Andrew J. Shapiro at State Dept.

Andrew J. Shapiro on Wikipedia

Addressing the Challenge of MANPADS Proliferation - Feb. 2, 2012

Benghazi Smoking Gun? Arms to Al Qaeda in Syria?

Exclusive: The Arming of Benghazi

Marc Turi Case Number
« Last Edit: September 20, 2015, 11:36:06 PM by BuddhaForce »
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As the crisis in Libya was unfolding in 2011, Clinton?s Spy Network was quite busy behind the scenes, a review of emails leaked from Romanian hacker Guccifer in 2013, and emails recently released in the wake of Hillary Clinton?s email scandal shows. In examining an operation in Libya that this crew was putting together with a retired special forces commander in May of 2011, we find a few interesting parallels to the actual U.S. covert operation to arm the rebel fighters battling with Muammar Gaddafi, and uncover the Spy Network?s helping hand in key events on the timeline.

Some of this material is speculative, but I?m not trying to jump to any conclusions. Just working with what little information we have, looking at similarities and coincidences, and asking questions like any good investigator should.


A screenshot of an email in the Guccifer hack, which was published by Gawker/ProPublica in March of 2015, shows that the Clinton Spy Network was preparing an operation near Libya with the Civil war there already well underway. In a conversation dated May 14, 2011, Sydney Blumenthal is seen negotiating with Tyler Drumheller to send a group of operators to Tunisia for a trip ?to the border and back.? Tunisia borders Algeria and Libya. Blumenthal writes:

"Cody reached K who is OK with everything but he needs the estimate from Grange."

Drumheller responds:

"Sid, you are doing great work on this, well done. It is going to be around $60,000, covering [round-trip] business class airfare to Tunis, travel in country to the border and back, and other expenses for 7-10 days for 4 guys."

Blumenthal then forwards this info on to Cody Shearer, who responds:

"Sid, do you think the general has to send four guys. He told us three guys yesterday, a translator and two other guys. I understand the difficulty of the mission and realize that K will be repaid but I am going to need an itemized budget for these guys. Point to point flight information, hotel information, etc."

From this conversation we can extract a bit about the organization of the Network. Shearer appears to be the bag man for his contact in Libya, Drumheller the liaison for the 4 man contractor team, and Blumenthal is working the go-between for all parties.

The person referred to as ?Grange? and ?the general? appears to be (ret.) Major General David L. Grange, who was the head of US Army Special Ops before retiring in 1999. He went on to form a government contracting firm called Osprey Global Solutions, which offers services such as medical, logistics, security, intelligence, and armaments. It also has a non-profit, NGO wing.

Shearer?s contact, referred to as ?K,? appears to be a person named Khalifa al-Sherif, who was sending Shearer updates on the situation on the ground in Libya. Cody seems to have received these updates frequently from people inside the fledgling Libyan National Transitional Council (NTC or sometimes TNC), as he refers to them as ?the gang? in an email dated March 20, 2011. This aspect will become relevant later on, so keep it in mind.

So what exactly was taking place during this $60,000 operation? Where was the money coming from? What were Grange and company going to do in a country being torn apart by Civil War? Unfortunately this solitary screenshot is all the direct evidence we had that this operation even took place, and much like the Guccifer hacks, it received little attention in the mainstream media. Luckily it was picked up and covered by the New York Times?or at least covered up by them.


In an article published May 18, 2015, the New York Times ran a story on the Clinton Spy Network under the title, ?Clinton Friend?s Memos on Libya Draw Scrutiny to Politics and Business.? The article featured interviews with David L. Grange and another man, Bill White, who was linked to the operation.

The scope of the Spy Network?s plans in Libya were described as ?creating floating hospitals to treat Libya?s war wounded and temporary housing for displaced people, and building schools.? New details emerged including confirmation that the Spy Network?s operation was in fact ?Mr. Grange?s first trip to Libya,? implying there were subsequent visits. It was also revealed that Grange had signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) in August of 2011, with ?two senior officials in the Libyan transitional government,? to provide ?humanitarian assistance, medical services and disaster mitigation.?

The Time?s narrative, while depicting the scheme as a tame humanitarian and medical assistance mission, finally wrote off the whole operation as a giant failure. It noted that the Spy Network just could not ?figure out whom to make deals with,? which eventually led to the entire venture foundering ?before the business partners could seek official approval.? Keep these points in mind for later.

However, the original writer who broke the story in Gawker and ProPublica, Pulitzer Prize winning investigative journalist Jeff Gerth, had a different take. He stated in an interview that the Hillary Clinton Spy Network story reminded him of two very interesting events he had covered in the past: the Iran-Contra Scandal and the Ed Wilson Saga. What is one of the common threads between the two stories? Illegal arms trafficking?


Turning to the most ?trusted? of mainstream sources, we can gather a brief background of the basic timeline of events during the First Civil War in the Libyan Crisis. In early 2011, ?Arab Spring? protests broke out in Libya. The anti-Gaddafi protestors later became rebels and formed the NTC on February 27, 2011. After ?atrocities were committed by the government?, and with the ?threat of further bloodshed?, a ?multinational coalition led by NATO forces? intervened in Libya on March 21, 2011. Gaddafi was finally ousted from power when the capital city of Tripoli fell to the rebel forces on August 20, 2011. Gaddafi was eventually captured and killed on October 20, 2011.

That is the mainstream, U.S. government approved narrative of the events of the First Libyan Civil War in 2011. For the purpose of this article, we will not attempt to challenge this narrative. Instead we will simply add another point to the timeline. There were a few times, specifically just before the NATO intervention, where the rebels were on the verge of defeat. Along with the NATO-imposed no-fly zone, and the launching of missiles and bombs on Libya, the U.S. and NATO also supplied weapons to the rebels, in an effort to keep the uprising from being snuffed out.

We know that sometime at the end of February, or early March 2011, President Obama signed a secret presidential ?finding? that laid the infrastructure for covert operations in Libya, including funding, training, and equipping the rebel forces. We also learned that additional ?permission? would be required from the White House for these specific operations to proceed. A former senior CIA officer Bruce Riedel was quoted in the article as saying, that for weapons to start flowing into Libya, it would ?[require] knowing who the rebels are.? In other words, they needed to be ?vetted? before the spigot could be turned on. Keep this in mind.

About a year and a half later, in December of 2012, the New York Times confirmed that weapons shipments had gone to Libya. (And possibly into Jihadist hands!) The Time?s noted that the Obama administration, fearing ?another quagmire in the Middle East,? had decided to rely on two U.S. allies for the delivery of the weapons, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), so as to keep American finger-prints off the operation:

American officials say that the United Arab Emirates first approached the Obama administration during the early months of the Libyan uprising, asking for permission to ship American-built weapons that the United States had supplied for the emirates? use. The administration rejected that request, but instead urged the emirates to ship weapons to Libya that could not be traced to the United States.

?The U.A.E. was asking for clearance to send U.S. weapons,? said one former official. ?We told them it?s O.K. to ship other weapons.?

For its part, Qatar supplied weapons made outside the United States, including French and Russian designed arms, according to people familiar with the shipments.

The Times article also gave the first glimpse of the NATO involvement in the covert arms trafficking, when it noted that NATO officials had to have been kept in the loop to prevent them from, ?[interdicting] the cargo planes and freighters transporting the arms into Libya from Qatar and the emirates.?

As one final exhibit on our timeline, in a press conference held in July of 2011, a Libyan government spokesman, Moussa Ibrahim, revealed to the world a seized weapons cache bound for the rebels in Libya. Hundreds of interdicted guns were displayed, as well as crates of ammunition with markings from the Qatari army.


With that background out of the way, we can now examine the Clinton Spy Network?s role in the events leading up to the U.S. intervention in the Libyan conflict, as well as the peculiar similarities between the Blumenthal/Drumheller/Shearer/Grange operation, and the official U.S. covert-op to arm the rebel fighters.

We know that Sydney Blumenthal and the Spy Network were constantly putting together and sending Clinton confidential intelligence memos while she was Secretary of State. One of these memos emailed to Clinton, dated April 08, 2011, is of particular interest in our narrative.

In this memo, under a section titled ?LIBYA/GREAT BRITAIN/FRANCE,? a confidential source speaks of the distrust of the leadership inside the Libyan NTC to deal with the UK and France in the procurement of arms and training. The source then significantly states that, ?LNC military leaders are considering the possibility of hiring private security firms to help train and organize their forces.? But what makes this email so important is not what you can read, its what you can?t read.

Hiding under a redaction in the email was a piece of information that was so sensitive, that the State Department decided it had to be censored. Luckily for the public the Benghazi commission released the same email in unredacted form. What was revealed was a single sentence from Hillary Clinton, ?Fyi, the idea of using private security experts to arm the opposition should be considered.? It appears the idea for arming the rebels with private contractors came from the Spy Network. This will be relevant in relation to a court case we will examine later.

Even more provocative was an intelligence memo from Blumenthal to Clinton dated March 6, 2011. In this memo, Blumenthal relates that, and I swear I?m not making this up, ?Cody [Shearer], on his own, still at heart an indefatigable journalist, simply picked up the phone?and had a conversation with one of the key figures in the Libyan National Council??

So what is the significance of this event? The man that Shearer spoke with, Mahmoud Jibril, would go on to be the interim Prime Minister of Libya during the entire First Civil War. One wonders how Shearer got the number for the future top guy in the Libyan NTC, and just a week or so after its having been formed (Feb. 27)? Further relevance is added from other passages in Shearer?s notes from the phone call, including Jibril?s upcoming travel arrangements to France, and also the fact that ?[Jibril] said he has not been contacted by anyone from the US government?.

Jibril?s trip to France would turn out to be quite fruitful, when he had a secret meeting with Hillary Clinton on March 14th, 2011, at the Paris Westin Hotel. It was this secret rendezvous that convinced Mrs. Clinton that military intervention was needed in Libya. In an interview, Mr. Jibril told the Washington Times that, ?I felt by the end of the meeting, I passed the test. Benghazi was saved.? Also attending that closed door meeting was future Ambassador to Libya Christopher Stevens.

We can now see with a degree of clarity, the role of Clinton?s Spy Network in the U.S. intervention in Libya. In March of 2011, Cody Shearer contacts the leadership of the fledgling Libyan rebels, and the notes of his conversation are passed along through the Spy Network to Hillary Clinton. About a week later, on March 14th, Clinton meets with the leadership of the NTC in Paris, at which time the rebels are ?vetted,? (remember, Jibril says he ?passed the test,?) a necessary step in opening the pipeline for weapons . This is also the same meeting where Hillary Clinton is convinced that military intervention in Libya is necessary. One week later, (on March 21st) NATO and the U.S. intervene in Libya.

Then one month later (April of 2011), in a memo from the Spy Network, we witness the inception of arming the Libyan rebels through ?private security firms,? to which Clinton responds that the idea should be ?considered?. The following month (May 2011) we have the leaked email where the Spy Network is preparing to send a retired special ops commander-turned-military contractor, right into the thick of the Civil War in Libya. Is this chain of events merely a coincidence?


The Spy Network operation in Libya was spun by the New York Times as a strictly humanitarian effort; building hospitals, schools, and housing projects. But an examination of the actual Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that David Grange signed with the Libyan NTC in August of 2011, reveals a far greater scope of services agreed to.

Phase I of the MOU, which was to be completed in about 6 months, included all of the items put forward in the Times cover-up story: medical services, humanitarian aid, and construction projects. However, there is a Phase II of the agreement, ?to be implemented on order of the NTC,? to provide the training of the newly established Libyan military and police forces. This training would included rule of land warfare, weaponry use, communications, logistics, security, and intelligence, on every level from ?squad through division?. Why was this aspect of the agreement brushed aside by the Times article with a mere whisper?

Of further interest might be the people Grange met with to get the MOU signed. One appears to be Mansour Mohamed El-Kikhia, a representative on the NTC for the city of Benghazi (where the U.S. Special Mission Compound and CIA annex were later located). The other is a Dr. Aref Ali Nayed, who became the Libyan Ambassador to the UAE in August of 2011, the same month the MOU was signed. This is another interesting coincidence considering the fact that we know armss in the official covert weapons pipeline came from the UAE.

The facade of the cover story crumbles further when we recall that, according to the New York Times, the Spy Network?s whole operation fell apart because they could not ?figure out whom to make deals with?. Even though here we see them signing an agreement with two very prominent men in the NTC. Even though they had a contact in the NTC who paid $60,000 to get a military contractor (Grange) into Libya during the height of the Civil War. Even though they had numerous sources with ?direct access to the Libyan National Transitional Council,? to feed them intelligence for their frequent reports to Hillary Clinton. And even though they somehow came into possession of the phone number for the future Libyan Prime Minister, Mahmoud Jibril, contacted him before anybody else in the US Government had, and basically set him up for a secret meeting with Hillary Clinton in Paris, which convinced her to intervene in Libya, and also seemingly fulfilled the ?vetting? requirements for covert arms shipments.

There also arises another inconsistency in the cover story, in which we are led to believe that the whole operation fell through ?before the business partners could seek official approval?. This particular claim appears to be contradicted by a letter sent January 4, 2012, on Osprey Global Solutions letterhead, to Andrew J. Shapiro, the top man at the U.S. State Department?s Political-Military Affairs Bureau. The letter introduces Osprey Global Solutions as a ?small business? which is ?keen to support the people of Libya under the sponsorship of the Ministry of Finance and the Libyan Stock Exchange??

Another intriguing aspect of the letter to Mr. Shapiro, is the scope of services to be rendered by Osprey to the budding Libyan government. Besides offering humanitarian assistance and medical services, the work would also include providing ?ship-to-shore medical and logistical support,? the ?immediate deployment of a ?hospital ship,? and establishing a network of ?mobile clinics? on the ground in Libya.

This is quite interesting in light of the fact that secret arms caches disguised as humanitarian aid, would later be flowing out of Libya on ships, as was reported by Fox News on October 25, 2012. One ship, named the Al-Entisar (International Maritime Organization No. 8904044), had sailed from Benghazi to the port of Iskenderun, Turkey, just 35 miles from the Syrian border on September 6, 2011. According to the report, hidden in the 400 tons of humanitarian aid were massive caches of arms bound for Syria, including SAM-7, RPGs, and MANPADS.

A United Nations Security Council report from March of 2013, details how this ship was not inspected by Turkish port authorities due to the humanitarian nature of its cargo. It also relates how the consignee of the ship and it?s payload was the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation, a Turkish NGO specializing in providing humanitarian aid.

From these reports, it would seem that humanitarian and medical aid, sent by ship, would be a great way to disguise covert arms operations.


But who was Andrew Shapiro? The first sentence from his obviously PR crafted biography on Wikipedia should be illuminating for our purposes here:

"From 2009-2013, Mr. Shapiro served as the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs where he revitalized and deepened political-military partnerships at home and abroad, and promoted record setting foreign military sales creating thousands of jobs in the United States while contributing to the security of key U.S. partners."

Mr. Shapiro now works for Beacon Global Strategies, a consulting firm specializing in ?International Policy, Defense, Cyber, Intelligence, and Homeland Security?. The Advisory Board on this firm is a who-is-who of intelligence and military stars, some of them connected directly to the U.S. covert operation to arm the Libyan rebels, including: Leon Panetta, Mike Morell, and (ret.) Adm. James Stavridis.

A final note on Mr. Shapiro concerns a speech he gave at the Stimson Center in February of 2012. The subject of his talk, a transcript of which is found on the State Department website, is on ?Adressing the Challenge of MANPADS Proliferation?. MANPADS, short for Man-Portable Air-Defense Systems, are shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles; of which Gaddafi held such a vast arsenal that Shapiro commented on the fact that, ?[c]urrently in Libya we are engaged in the most extensive effort to combat the proliferation of MANPADS in U.S. history?. He also significantly related that in support of this effort to battle MANPADS proliferation in Libya, the U.S. State Department had ?began providing $3 million in funding to NGOs to get them on the ground,? starting in April of 2011, after the ?[Gaddafi] regime was pushed back from Benghazi?.

One wonders who exactly these NGO?s were, considering they were specialized in ?stockpile security?.


We now have enough information to make heads-or-tails of an obscure case now working its way through Federal Court in the state of Arizona.

The strange case of Marc Turi, a State Department licensed global arms contractor who has shipped guns all over the world (and who according to his lawyer had a long record of working for the ?US government through the CIA?), revolves around an alleged shipment of weapons to Libya in 2011.

Turi claims to have developed a ?Zero Footprint? supply-chain for arming the rebels in Libya during the fight against Gaddafi, by sending the shipments through US allies in the region like Qatar and the UAE. Spurred on by his high level contacts in the US Congress, Pentagon, and the CIA, Turi put together a $267 million arms deal with Qatar which had recieved a brokering approval from the State Department in May of 2011. In July his home was raided by Federal agents.

Mr. Turi, now facing a federal indictment, claims that he never shipped the weapons to Qatar, that people inside the State Department stole his ?Zero Footprint? idea, and that he is being framed to cover-up who really shipped in the arms.

The US government is currently attempting to invoke the ?State Secrets? privilege in the case, where Turi?s defense will be to prove that he had previously worked with the CIA, and that the U.S. Government did in fact covertly arm the Libyan rebels using a plan similar to ?Zero Footprint?.

Marc Turi Case Video Part 1 & Part 2.
« Last Edit: September 23, 2015, 07:51:43 PM by BuddhaForce »
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